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我对ldquo;资本主义rd(4/4)

作家称历史上的威尼斯是“一个没有领域的城市”和“一个商人共和国”“它的政府即是一个股份公司。它的统领就是它的总经理。它的参议院,就是它的董事会。它的人口,就是它的股票所有人”Edward P盋heyney,The Dawn of Modern Era(New York,1936),p11薄K淙槐扔鞯霉分,却可以让读者立即窥见到这组织后面的真性格。这种性格也可以代表初期资本主义的精神。

威尼斯的做法,不是其他意大利自由城市可以仿效的。以佛罗伦萨(Florence)为例:“它的经济基础,在许多方面较威城占先。它在一千三百年之前,就成为一个纺织工业的制造中心。它的银行业,也很发达。在1422年,这城中的新市场就有七十二家货币交换的商店。它的银行家也在欧洲各国家内为皇室贵族和各地主教做财政的经纪人。一部业务,即是将教会的收入汇划与教皇。但是佛罗伦萨为陆地所包围,因地主则牵涉到农业社会的因素,因制造业就牵涉到很多工业社会的因素,所以起先就有制造商与当地贵族的冲突,在教皇与神圣罗马帝国争权之时也不能采取中立。”兹后佛罗伦萨被投入“政治的试验管”曾经体会到“贵族掌政、暴权政治、中产阶级与无产阶级的冲突、有限制与无限制的民主、假民主、一家专政、萨沃那洛拉(Savonarola)的政教合一、混合政府,终至于美第奇(Medici)的独裁”Cheyney,p42;Burckhardt,The Civilization of Re奶ssance Italy,,102;Oliver C盋ox,The Foundation of Capitalism(London,1969),pp143-144;Leonardo Olschki,The Genius of Italy(Oxford,1949)。

在这情形之下,没有人能说佛罗伦萨已进入某种“主义”的体制内,它既有“资本主义”的因素,也更有“共产主义”和“国家社会主义”的因素参见Lauro Martines,Power and Imagination:City States in Re奶ssance Italy(New York,1979),彼的解释是指出佛罗伦萨各种复杂的政治思想与文艺复兴的关系。。可见单是有商人和商业资本,不能构成资本主义的体制。纵使生产关系超时代的发展,在14、15世纪之间,就有了资本家与城市无产阶级的对立,也不一定能构成资本主义的体制。在这时候,我们才更领会布罗代尔所说“资本主义之成功,在它与国家互相印证,它\[本身\]即变成了国家”Braudel,Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism,Patricia 译自法文(Balti摸re,1977),p69。这中间有一个“全牛”(whole hog)的观念。

再回到威尼斯的历史上,我们更可看出,初期资本主义的形成,不是由于构成国家的因素繁复,而是由于它的简单,所以一切能用数目字管理。

欧洲从中世纪进展到现代的时候,当中有一个重要的关键则是以前的“朝代国家”(dynastic state)逐渐嬗变而为“民族的国家”(national state)。在财政的组织上讲,朝代国家的世袭君主不须向全民交代,而是他们自己对国计的盈亏一身担当。因之他们常向商人借债,有时甚至将皇家珍宝作抵押。要是可能,他们即独断地向臣下勒索,或者赖债不还。这些情形都不能在法律上稳定私有财产权,同时也是妨碍资本主义发展的一大障碍。现代的新式国家,则行公债。政府的盈亏,不必由君主个人负责。

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